Book III
The Missionaries: The Methods of the Mission and the Counter-Movements
This book was originally published by Williams & Norgate, London.
This is Volume I of the 1908 edition, translated and edited by James Moffatt.
First HARPER TORCHBOOK edition published 1962
Reprinted, 1972, by arrangement with Harper & Row, Publishers
Chapter I
EXCURSUS
pp. 369-380
(without footnotes)
TRAVELLING : THE EXCHANGE OF LETTERS AND LITERATURE
The apostles, as well as many of the prophets, travelled unceasingly in the interests of their mission. The journeys of Paul from Antioch to Rome, and probably to Spain, lie in the clear light of history, but—-to judge from his letters—his fellow-workers and companions were also continually on the move, partly along with him, and partly on their own account. One thinks especially of that missionary couple, Aquila and Priscilla. To study and state in detail the journeys of Paul and the rest of these missionaries would lead us too far afield, nor would it be relevant to our immediate purpose. Paul felt that the Spirit of God drove him on, revealing his route and destination ; but this did not supersede the exercise of deliberation and reflection in his own mind, and evidences of the latter may be found repeatedly throughout his travels. Peter also journeyed as a missionary; he too reached Rome.
However, what interests us at present is not so much the travels of the regular missionaries as the journeys undertaken by other prominent Christians, from which we mav learn the vitality of personal communication and intercourse throughout the early centuries. In this connection the Roman church became surprisinglv prominent. The majoritv of the Christians with whose travels we are acquainted made it their goal.
Justin, Hegesippus, Julius Africanus, and Origen were Christian teachers who were speciallv travelled men. i.e. men who had gone over a large number of the churches. Justin, who came from Samaria, staved in Ephesus and Rome. Hegesippus reached Rome via Corinth after starting, about the middle of the second centurv. on an Eastern tour occupving several years, during which he visited manv of the churches. Julius Africanus from Emmaus in Palestine also appeared in Edessa, Rome, and Alexandria. But the most extensive travels were those of Origen, who, from Alexandria and Casarea (in Palestine) respectively, made his appearance in Sidon, Tyre, Rostra, Antioch, Caesarea (in Cappadocia), Nikomedia, Athens, Nicopolis, Rome, and other cities (sometimes more than once).
The following notable Christians1 journeyed from abroad to Rome :—
Polycarp, bishop of Smyrna (Eus., H.E., iv. 14, v. 24).
Valentinus the gnostic, from Egypt (Iren., iii. 4. 3).
Cerdo the gnostic, from Syria (Iren., i. 27. 1, iii. 4. 3).
Marcion the heretic, from Sinope (Hippolytus, cited in Epiph., Heer.; xlii. 1 f.).
Marcellina the heretic (Iren., i. 25. 6).
Justin the apologist, from Samaria (see his Apology, also Euseb., H.E., iv. 11).
Tatian the Assyrian (Orat. xxxv.).
Hegesippus, from the East (Eus., H.E., iv. 22, according to the vTroyyaTa of Hegesippus).
Euelpistus, Justin’s pupil, from Cappadocia (Acta Justini).
Hierax, Justin’s pupil, from Cappadocia (Acta Justini).2
Rhodon, from Asia (Eus., H.E., v. 13).
Irenams, from Asia (Eus., H.E., v. 1—4; [Marty. Poljc., append.]).
Apelles, Marcion’s pupil (Tertull., de Purser., xxx. ; though Apelles mav have been born, at Rome), from – ?
Florinus, from Asia (Eus., H.E., v. 15. 20).
Proclus and other Montanists from Phrygia or Asia (Eus., H.E., ii. 25, iii. 31, vi. 20; Tertull., adv. Prax., 1).
[Tertullian, from Carthage (de Cultu Eon., i. 7 ; Eus., H E.. iL 2W
Theodotus, from Byzantium (Epiph., Har., liv. 1).
Praxeas, from Asia (Tert., adv. Prax., 1).
Abercius, from Hieropolis (see his inscription).
Julius Africanus, from Emmaus (Kearoz).
Alcibiades, from Apamea in Syria (Hippol., Philos., ix- 13). [Prepon the Marcionite, an Assyrian (Hippol.. Philos.. vii. 31 ). | Epigonus, from Asia (Hipp., Philos., ix. 7).
Sabellius, from Pentapolis (Theodoret, Herr. Fab., ii. 9).
Origen, from Alexandria (Eus., H.E., vi. 14).
Many Africans, about the year 250 (Cyprian’s epistles).
Shortly after the middle of the second century, Melito of Sardes journeyed to Palestine (Eus., H.E., iv. 26), as did Alexander from Cappadocia (Eus., H.E., vi. 11) and Pionius from Smyrna (about the middle of the third century : see the Acta Pionii); Julius Africanus travelled to Alexandria (Eus.. H.E., vi. 31); Hermogenes, a heretic, emigrated from the East to Carthage (Theophilus of Antioch opposed him. as did Tertullian); Apelles went from Rome to Alexandria (Tert., de Presser., xxx.); during the Decian persecution and afterwards, Roman Christians were despatched to Carthage (see Cyprian’s epistles); at the time of Walerian’s persecution, several Roman brethren were in Alexandria (Dionvs. Alex., cited bv Euseb.. H.E., vii. 11); while Clement of Alexandria got the length of Cappadocia (Eus., H.E.. vi. 11). This list is incomplete, but it will give some idea of the extent to which the travels of prominent teachers promoted intercommunication.
As for the exchange of letters. 1 must content myself with noting the salient points. Here. too. the Roman church occupies the foreground. We know of the following letters and despatches issued from it:—
The pastoral letter to Corinth (i.r.. the first epistle of Clement), c. 96 a.d.
The “ Shepherd ‘ of Hermas, which (according to Fix., ii. 4) was sent to the churches abroad.
The pastoral letter of bishop Soter to Corinth (i.e.. the homily he sent thither, or 2 Clem.). The letter in reply, from Dionysius of Corinth, shows that Home had for decades been in the habit of sending letters and despatches to a number of churches.
During the Montanist controversy, under (Soter) Eleutherus and Victor, letters passed to Asia, Phrygia, and Gaul.
During the Easter controversy, Victor issued letters to all the churches abroad.
Pontian wrote to Alexandria, assenting to the condemnation of Origen.
During the vacancy in the Papacy after bishop Fabian’s death, letters passed to Carthage, to the other African churches, and to Sicily ; the Roman martyrs also wrote to the Carthaginian.
Bishop Cornelius wrote numerous letters to Africa, as well as to Antioch and Alexandria.
Bishop Stephanus wrote to Africa, Alexandria, Spain, and Gaul, as well as to all the churches abroad during the controversy over the baptism of heretics. He also sent letters and despatches to Syria and Arabia, following the custom of his predecessors.
Letters of bishop Xystus II. to Alexandria.
Letters of bishop Dionysius to Alexandria.
A letter and despatches of bishop Dionysius to Cappadocia.
A letter of bishop Felix to Alexandria.
Letters to Antioch during the trouble caused by Paul of Samosata.
Among the non-Roman letters are to be noted: those of Ignatius to the Asiatic churches and to Rome, that written by Polycarp of Smyrna to Philippi and other churches in the neighbourhood, the large collection of those written by Dionysius of Corinth (to Athens, Lacedmmon, Nicomedia, Crete, Pontus, Rome), the large collections of Origen’s letters (no longer extant), of Cyprian’s (to the African churches, to Rome, Spain, Gaul, Cappadocia), and of Novatian’s (to a very large number of churches throughout all Christendom : no longer extant), and of those written by Dionysius of Alexandria (preserved in fragments). Letters were sent from Cappadocia, Spain, and Gaul to Cyprian (Rome); the synod which gathered in Antioch to deal with Paul of Samosata, wrote to all the churches of Christendom ; and Alexander of Alexandria, as well as Arius, wrote letters to a large number of churches in the Eastern empire.
The more important Christian writings also circulated with astonishing rapidity. Out of the wealth of material at our disposal, the following instances mav be adduced :—
Ere the first half of the second century expired, the four gospels appear to have reached the majority, or at any rate a very large number, of churches throughout the empire.
A collection of Paul’s letters was already known to Clement of Rome, Ignatius, Polvearp, and all the leading gnostics.
The first epistle of Clement (addressed to Corinth) was in the hands of Polycarp (at Smyrna), and was known to Ireanus at Lyons, as well as to Clement of Alexandria.
A few weeks or months after the epistles of Ignatius were composed, they were collected and despatched to Philippi ; Ireanus in Lyons and Origen in Alexandria were acquainted with them.
‘The Didache was circulated in the second century through East and West alike.
The ” Shepherd ” of Hermas, in its complete form, was well known in Lyons, Alexandria, and Carthage, even in the second Century
The Apology and other works of Justin were known to Irenaeus at Lyons, and to Tertullian at Carthage, etc. Tatian was read in Alexandria.
By the close ot the second century, writings of Melito. bishop of Sardes (during the reign of Marcus Aurelius) were read in Ephesus. Alexandria, Rome, and Carthage.
As early as about the year 300 a.of writings ot’ Ireanus (who wrote c. 190) were read in Rome and Alexandria, whilst. like Justin, he was known at a later period to Methodius in Lvcia.
The writings ot several authors in Asia Minor during the reign of Marens Aurelius were read in Alexandria, Carthage, and Rome.
The “Antitheses” of the heretic Marcion were known to all the larger churches in the East and West by the end of the second century.
The apocrvphal Acta Pauli, originating in Asia, was probably read in all the leading churches, and certainly in Rome, Carthage, and Alexandria, by the end of the second century.
Numerous writings of the Roman Hippolytus were circulated throughout the East. What a large number of Christian writings were gathered from all parts of the world in the library at C;esarea (in Palestine) is known to us from the Church History of Eusebius, which was written from the material in this collection. It is owing primarily to this library, which in its way formed a counterpart of the Alexandrian, that we possess to-day a coherent, though eery limited, knowledge of Christian antiquity. And even previous to that, if one takes the trouble (and it is no trouble) to put together, from the writings of Celsus, Tertullian, Hippolytus, Clement of Alexandria, and Origen, their library of Christian works, it becomes evident that they had access to an extensive range of Christian books from all parts of the church.
These data are merely intended to give an approximate idea of how vital was the intercourse, personal and epistolary and literary, between the various churches, and also between piomi- nent teachers of the day. It is not easy to exaggerate the significance of this fact for the mission and propaganda of Christianity. The co-operation, the brotherliness, and morcover the mental activity of Christians, are patent in this connection, and they were powerful levers in the extension of the cause. Furthermore, they must have made a powerful impression on the outside spectator, besides guaranteeing a certain unity in the development of the religion and ensuring the fact that when a Christian passed from the East to the West, or from one distant church to another, he never felt himself a stranger. Down to the age of Constantine, or at anv rate until the middle of the third century, the centripetal forces in earlv Christianity were, as a matter of fact, more powerful than the centrifugal. And Rome was the centre of the former tendencies. The Roman Church was the catholic church. It was more than the mere symbol and representative of Christian unitv; to it more than to any other Christians owed unitv itself.
So far as I know, the technical side of the spread of early Christian literature has not vet been investigated, and and results that can be reached are far from numerous. We must realize, however, that a large number of these writings, not excluding the oldest and most important of them, together with almost all the epistolary literature, was never “edited” in the technical sense of the term—never, at any rate, until after some generations had passed. There were no editions of the New Testament (or of the Old.-‘) until Origen (i.e., the Theodotian), although Marcion’s New Testament deserves to be called a critical revision and edition, while revised editions were meant by those early fathers who bewailed the falsification of the Bible texts by the gnostics. For the large majority of early Christian writings the exemplars in the library at Ca-sarea served as the basis for editions (i.e., transcripts) from the fourth and fifth centuries onwards. Yet even after editions of the Scriptures were published they were frequently transcribed at will from some rough copy. From the outset the apologies, the works of the gnostics (which were meant for the learned), and any ecclesiastical writings designed, from Irenaeus downwards, for the educated Christian public, were published and circulated. The first instance of a bishop collecting and editing his own letters is that of Dionysius of Corinth, during the reign of Marcus Aurelius (Eus., H.E., iv. 23).
Unedited or unpublished writings were naturally exposed in a special degree to the risk of falsification. The churchfathers are full of complaints on this score. Yet even those which were edited were not preserved with due care.
To what extent the literature of Christianity fell into the hands of its opponents, is a matter about which we know next to nothing. Tertullian speaks quite pessimistically on the point (de Textim., i.), and Norden’s verdict is certainly true (Kunstprosa, pp. 517 f.): “ We cannot form too low an estimate of the number of pagans who read the New Testament…. I believe I am correct in saving that pagans onl read the New Testament when they wanted to refute it.” Celsus furnished himself with (juite a considerable Christian library, in which he studied deeply before he wrote against the Christians ; but it is merely a rhetorical phrase, when Athenagoras assumes (Supply ix.) that the emperors knew the Old Testament. The attitude of the apologists to the Scriptures, whether they are quoting them or not, shows that they do not presuppose any knowledge of their contents (Norden, loe. cit.). Writings of Origen were read bv the Neoplatonist philosophers, who had also in their hands the Old Testament, the gospels, and the Pauline epistles. We may say the same of Porphyryand Amelins. One great obstacle to the diffusn of the Scriptures lay in the Greek version, which was inartistic and offensive (from the point of view of style). but still more in the old Latin version of the Bible, which in many parts was simply intolerable. How repellent must have been the effect produced, for example, by reading (Baruch ii. 29) “ Dicens: si non audieritis vocis meae, si sonos magnos hagminis iste avertatur in minima in gentibus, hubi dispergam ibi.” Nor could Christianity in the West boast of writers whose work penetrated far into the general literature of the age, at a time when Origen and his pupils were forcing an entrance for themselves. Lactantius, whose evidence is above suspicion, observes that in Latin society Christians were still considered “ stulti (Instit., v. 1 f.), and personally vouches for the lack of suitable and skilled teachers and authors ; Minucius Felix and Tertullian could not secure “ satis celebritatis,” whilst, for all his admirable qualities as a speaker and writer, Cyprian “ is unable to satisfy those who are ignorant of all but the words of our religion, since his language is mystical and designed only for the ears of the faithful. In short, the learned of this world who chance to become acquainted with his writings are in the habit of deriding him. I myself once heard a really cultured person call him ‘ Coprianus’ [dung-man] by the change of a single letter in his name, as if he had bestowed on old wives’ fables a polished intellect which was capable of better things ” (“placere ultra verba sacramentum ignorantibus non potest, quoniam mystica sunt quae locutus est et ad id praeparata, ut a solis fidehbus audiantur: denique a doctis huius saeculi, quibus forte script a eius innotuerant, derideri solet. audivi ego quondam hominem sane disertum, qui eum immutata una litera ‘ Coprianum’ vocaret, quasi quod elegans ingenium et melioribus rebu> aptum ad aniles fabulas contulisset ”).
In the Latin West, although Minucius Felix and Cyprian {ad Donatum) wrote in a well-bred style, Christian literature had but little to do with the spread of the Christian religion ; in the East, upon the contrary, it became a factor of great importance from the third century onwards.